CELEBRATING THE GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY OF UNION DAY.

Today, 25th April, marks exactly 60 years, in the continuing life of our Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar.  It was on that “miracle day”, 25th April, 1964; when the “miracle session” of the Tanganyika Parliament voted itself out of existence; and, together with the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, created an entirely new country, and a new nation.  This happened when Members of the Tanganyika Parliament, unanimously passed that historic legislation which established the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar, an entirely new country, thus creating an entirely new nation of Tanzanians.                                                                                                           It indeed was, and remains to be, a “day to remember”.  And for that reason, this day will continue to occupy a ‘place of honour’ in the annals of Tanzania’s political history. Thus, as we commemorate that that historic day today, it gives us the opportunity to reflect on the events of that day. And that, is precisely the purpose of this presentation.  

The extraordinary session of the National Assembly.
This had to be an extraordinary session simply because, earlier during that same month, the MPs  had completed their ordinary session, and the House had been duly adjourned to May 12th, when the budget session for that financial year was scheduled to commence. I was the Clerk of the National Assembly at the material time, hence the task of summoning the MPs for that extraordinary meeting fell on me, having been directed to do so by President Nyerere himself.                                                                           

        The implementation of this whole process was unusually ‘hush-hush and fast track’. When the MPS arrived in Dar es Salaam, they, naturally, were anxious to know the reason for calling this extraordinary meeting, but I too did not know.  It was only when I went back to State House in the evening of that day to inform the President that all the MPS had already arrived in Dar es Salaam, that is when he ‘opened up’ and directed that the meeting will be held in the afternoon of the next day, Saturday 25th, and that he himself would come to address the House.                                    

         I went back to inform the MPs accordingly; and made the necessary preparations for that meeting. I later learnt that the morning had been reserved for the meeting of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, for the same purpose; which was to ratify the Union Agreement.            
            The meeting started at 5 o’clock in the afternoon, like all ordinary afternoon sittings of the National Assembly.  In his speech, the President disclosed that he, and Zanzibar President Abeid Amani Karume, had, on 22nd of that month signed an Agreement to unite the two countries into one sovereign State, and that he had come to seek parliament’s approval of that Agreement.                                                       This is what President Nyerere said:-“Tanganyika na Zanzibar ni nchi ndugu. Tunashirikiana kwa historia, lugha, mila, tabia, na siasa. Udugu wa Afro Shirazi Party na TANU, wote mnaufahamu. Udugu wa viongozi wa vyama hivi viwili haukuanza jana. Basi, tunazo sababu zote hizo za kutufanya tuungane, na kuwa kitu kimoja. Juu ya yaote hayo, kuna shauku kubwa ya Umoja wa Bara la Afrika. Basi, kwa kuzingia yote hayo,  mimi, kwa niaba yenu, na Rais Karume, kwa niaba ya watu wa Zanzibar, tulikutana Unguja siku ya tarehe 22 mwezi huu, tukatia saini mkataba wa umoja baina ya nchi zetu mbili.                                               

           Mnao mkataba huu, na mtaujadili. Endapo Bunge hili, pamoja na Baraza la Mapinduzi la Zanzibar, yataukubali mkataba huu, nchi zetu zitakuwa nchi moja. Siyo nia yangu kueleza mkataba wenyewe, mtaelezwa wakati wa majadiliano. Kazi yangu ni kuwaombeni muukubali mkataba huu”.

        This turned out to be an unusually busy and historic parliamentary session, which lasted for only  three days; but produced the momentous new creations already referred to above. The political work had been completed with the signing of the Union Agreement. What followed was a ‘duo game’ played solely by the government’s top legal experts, the Attorney General (AG) , and the Chief Parliamentary Draughtsman (CPD); who worked diligently to produce the legislation required for putting the Union legally in place.  Thus, parliament’s business was focused mainly on discussing that proposed legislation, which they did with high level excitement, and gusto.                                                                                       

        The relevant Government Bill was titled: “A Bill for  an Act to ratify the Articles of Union between the Republic of Tanganyika and the Peoples’ Republic of Zanzibar, to provide for the Government of the United Republic, and of Zanzibar;  to make provision for the modification and amendment of the Constitution and laws of Tanganyika for the purpose of giving effect to the Union and the said Articles, and for matters connected therewith, and incidental thereto”.                                                                                       

        The great political significance of this event, is that whereas the former States of Tanganyika and of Zanzibar were created by the European and the Arab colonialists, this new State was our own creation, put in place by voluntary Agreement (known as the “Articles of Union”) between the Presidents of the former States; and duly ratified by the Legislatures of both countries.                      

        The excitement was motivated by the statement from  Rashid Kawawa, the Leader of Government in the National Assembly, who, when concluding his speech to introduce the motion for the Second Reading of the Unification Bill: emotionally declared:  “We are creating a new country, totally different from the two countries that we inherited from the colonialists”; thus raising fever-high excitement among the MPs, who proceeded to discuss the Bill, with  everyone expressing his ‘unqualified support’.  The motion was eventually passed, ‘nemine contradicente’ (with no one dissenting). 

         I had been instructed to submit the Bill immediately after its passage by the National Assembly, to the President for his constitutional Assent; which I dutifully did. That Assent was promptly given.                                                                       

            Given these unusual circumstances of ‘fast-track’ proceedings, there was no opportunity for organizing any celebrations to mark this historic event. There were, of course, very sound reasons for this state of affairs, which are detailed in my book titled “Historia ya Muungano wa Tanganyka na Zanzibar” (Tanzania Educational Publishers Limited, Bukoba) 2019.                                                                                   They are briefly summarized a little later below in this presentation. The following was Parliament’s time table for that ‘miracle’ session:-                                                    

        1. Saturday, 25th April 1964; legislation unanimously passed to ratify the Unification Agreement.                           

        2. Monday, 27th April, 1964: In accordance with the provisions of that legislation, and of the ‘Articles of Union’, what was the Parliament of Tanganyika now became the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania; and the constitution of Tanganyika became the interim constitution of the United Republic, appropriately amended to make provision for the inclusion of Members from Zanzibar into  the Parliament of the United Republic, plus other amendments, designed to give effect to the Union.  Hence, the main business of the House on that day was the administration of the oath to the new MPs from Zanzibar. The other pillar of State governance, namely the Union Cabinet of Ministers, was also formed on that same day. But the Judiciary Branch was established at the beginning of May, 1964, by separate legislation.
        3. Tuesday, 28th April, 1964; witnessing  the exchange of the “Instruments of Agreement” establishing the Union, between the President of former Tanganyika, and the President of former Zanzibar, (now Presidents of the United Republic, and of Zanzibar respectively); followed by  the adjournment of the House, to May 12th 1964. 
The contents of the ratification statute.
We have already given above, the ‘long title’ of the ratification Bill which was passed by the National Assembly on 25th April, 1964. Its other contents were as follows:-                                                     

        1. It provided that the “Articles of Union” (the Union Agreement) shall come into operation on the day next to that on which they were ratified.                                                                

        2. The ratification statute also gave mandate to the Union President to enact legal provisions known as ‘Decrees’, for giving effect to the Articles of Union. 
The secrecy surrounding the Union’s establishment.
The basic intention was to prevent the possible frustration of the process by the enemies of any such 
unification. 

        The circumstances of that particular period, were that  President Nyerere’s mind was still perturbed by the failure to achieve the objective of forming an East Africa Federation, for he had personally invested a lot of energy in its promotion, especially starting from June, 1963, when the Presidents of Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda, issued a joint statement after their meeting in Nairobi, announcing their firm intention to establish that Federation “before the end of that year”. 

        But, unfortunately, that intention was not achieved, and the desired ‘East African Federation’ actually never saw the light of day; in all probability, because of interferences from such enemies.  In view of that, Presidents Nyerere and Karume decided to conduct their negotiations in absolute secrecy.  That was one reason.      

        But there was a second reason, which carried even greater weight. This was the genuine fear of Zanzibar’s invasion by the Arabs who had just been thrown out of power by the glorious revolution.  President Karume’s new government was still fragile. It had not had time to establish its own strong defence forces that would be able to repulse such an invasion, if it took place. Hence, there was obvious need to hide the unification negotiations, for fear of being their scuttled by these Arab enemies.

            And, indeed, the secrecy deal did succeed; right up to the day itself of signing the Unification Agreement in Zanzibar on Friday, 22nd April, 1964. But even then,  all that the public was told by TANU’s newspaper “The Nationalist” of that day, was that “President Nyerere will travel to Zanzibar this morning, on a  State visit to that country;  aimed at consolidating the friendly relations existing between the two countries. He is scheduled to hold talks with his counterpart, President Karume, on issues of general interest and cooperation between our two countries”. 

        The same newspaper also published a news item, which quoted Salim Ahmed Salim, the Secretary to the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, as having said that “we are delighted to welcome Tanganyika President  Julius Nyerere, who is visiting Zanzibar for the first time since the success of glorious revolution. The people of Tanganyika and Zanzibar have always been close friends. It is therefore desirable and commendable, that our top leaders should meet from time to time, to discuss matters of common interest”.  

        It was only later in the evening of that day, when the true reason for President Nyerere’s visit to Zanzibar was revealed, in a short, terse statement issued from State House Dar es Salaam; which only said:  “President Julius Nyerere, and Zanzibar President Abeid Amani Karume, met in Zanzibar today, and signed an Agreement to unite the two countries. But in order to become effective, that Agreement will need to be ratified by the Legislatures of both countries”.                                                                                    

        And, as we have already seen above, the ratification procedures moved extraordinarily fast.  The Agreement which was signed on 22nd April, 1964, was ratified by both countries’ legislatures only three days later, on 25th April, 1964.  But, despite the inevitable challenges, our Union has been moving steadily from strength to strength, plus maintaining enviable stability, peace and tranquility.
This then, is the authentic story of how our beloved country, the United Republic of Tanzania, was created on today’s date, 60 years ago. “Mungu Ibariki Tanzania”.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa

KWA WANANDOA NA WATARAJIWA ULAZIMA NA UMUHIMU WA NDOA

Katika makala hii tunachambua taasisi muhimu kwa binadamu ya ndoa. Tuzame kwenye taasisi hii adhimu na muhimu. Ndoa ni taasisi kongwe kuliko taasisi zote duniani. Ni taasisi ya lazima na muhimu katika maisha na uhai endelevu wa kila kiumbe. Hata kama wadudu au wanyama hawaelewi wala kufanya baadhi ya mambo kama binadamu, kuna dalili kuwa wana ndoa japo siyo sawa na binadamu. Kwani, ni kupitia ndoa, wahusika hutengeneza jamii na vizazi vijavyo kihalali. Hii haina maana kuwa watoto wanatengenezwa pekee kwenye ndoa. Sawa na kila kitu, kina pande mbili hata zaidi. Sisi tutajikita kwenye ndoa kama invyoeleweka na kuhalalishwa kisheria na kijamii kwa binadamu.

Kwa kuzingatia ulazima na umuhimu wa ndoa,hatuna budi kukiri. Si kitu cha kuchukulia lelemama au kimzaamzaa au kukurupukia. Kama tutafutavyo, kuthamini mali au vitu tuvipendavyo na kuvilinda, inabidi tuilinde ndoa maana ikivunjika, madhara yake ni makubwa si kwa wanandoa tu bali kwa watoto, wazazi, ndugu, marafiki hata jamii kwa ujumla. Hivyo, kama tunavyotumia muda mwingi kutafuta vitu kama vile fedha, amani, furaha, tutafute namna ya kufanya ndoa iwe chanzo cha kila kitu hasa vile tusivyoweza kununua kama vile amani, furaha, na raha mbali ya watoto, ridhiko,mapenzi, upendo, hata maisha marefu yenye mafanikio kiakili hata kimwili.

            Leo, kwa kutumia taaluma na uzoefu wetu, tutajikita katika kudurusu na kushauri mambo ya lazima na muhimu katika kudumisha na kushamirisha ndoa. Tumedumu katika taasisi kwa zaidi ya robo karne mbali na kujielimisha na kutafiti. Tuanze kwa kuifasiri ndoa. Kwa mujibu wa Kamuni ya Taasisi ya Uchunguzi wa Kiswahili (TUKI), ndoa ni ‘ukamilifu wa makubaliano ya muungano wa mwanamke na mwanamme kuishi pamoja kuwa ni mume na mke kulingana na sheria, mila, au desturi za sehemu fulani” (uk. 211).

Tokana na kutoielewa vizuri au kushindwa katika ndoa, au wasioelewa wanaosema eti ndoa ni ndoana. Kamusi tajwa hapo juu inafasiri ndoana kama “kipande chembamba cha chuma au waya kilichopinda sehemu ya nchani ambacho hufungwa mwisho wa mshipi ili kuvulia samaki samaki” (uk. 211). Pia, neno ndoana linaweza kuitwa ndoano. Kama tutakuwa wakweli, ndoana, haina uhusiana na ndoa hata kwa chembe. Inaweza kuhusishwa kichovu, au tokana na kufeli katika taasisi hii au kishairi. Tunaamini katika ndoa, hakuna kutegana wala kuvuana kama wafanyavyo wavuvi kwa samaki au wawindaji kwa wanyama. Badala yake kuna kupendana, kukubaliana, na kuamua kuishi pamoja si kwa ajili yenu tu bali hata wengine, yaani watoto, wazazi, ndugu, jamaa na jamii zenu. Ndoa ni makubaliano na siyo kutegana au kuwindana au kuumizana.

Tafsiri ya sahihi ya ndoa ni muungano wa hiari baina ya mwanamke na mwanaume-wenye kufikia umri wa kujiamria mambo wanayoyaelewa na kuyakubali- wasio na uhusiano wa damu ufanyikao wa hiari na mujibu wa sheria kanuni, mila, utashi, mapenzi, kwa mujibu wa jamii na wanandoa. Kabla ya kuendelea, kuna aina kuu tatu za ndoa kwa waafrika walio wengi. Ndoa za kiasili ambapo mume mmoja huwa na idadi isiyojulikana ya wake kulingana na mila za wahusika. Ndoa za kikristo au muungano wa watu wawili yaani mke na mume wasio na uhusiano wa damu tu, na waislamu zihusishazo mume mmoja na mke au wake hadi wanne.

Kitu muhimu na nguzo ya taasisi hii adhimu, ni jinsia mbili tofauti. Japo siku hizi wanadamu wameoza kufikia kuongeza aina haramu ya ndoa baina ya watu wa jinsia moja, bado ukweli unabaki palepale kwa maana yake halisi kuwa ndoa ni baina ya mwanamke na mwanaume tena waliofikia umri wa kujiamria na wasio na uhusiano wa damu. Hata hivyo, kuna jamii kama vile waarabu ambao uruhusu ndoa za ndugu wa damu.

Kitu kingine muhimu kuhusiana na taasisi hii, ni ukweli kuwa huleta ulinganifu, uchangamfu, na usawa kama inazingatiwa na kufuatwa inavyopaswa japo wakati mwingine inaweza kuwa kinyume. Usishangae kukuta mzee wa miaka 50 na kijana wa miaka 30, wakiishi kwa usawa na kuaminiana tofauti hata baina ya wahusika na wazazi wao.

Dikteta Idi Amin alikuwa aliogopewa na kusifika kwa ukatili. Lakini siku zote, alikuwa akijitahidi kufanya aliloweza ili wake zake wampende na kumkubali kama binadamu aliyekamilika. Pamoja na kuogopewa, mamlaka makubwa, na ukatili wa Mafarao wa Misri, mara nyingi, walikuwa wakisikiliza ushauri wa wake zao Malkia hata kama hawakuwa wakiupenda au kuunga mkono. Hii ndiyo tabia ya asili ya mapenzi. Mwenye kupenda hana ubwana, ufalme, ukuu, utajiri, wala usomi. Ukiona hali hii haimkumbi basi jua mapenzi aliyomo ni ya kutaka kitu fulani siyo upendo hasa. Mapenzi hasa kwenye ndoa ni kubembelezana, kusikilizana, kuheshimiana, kujaliana, na kujitoa mhanga kwa ajili ya mwenzio. Ndiyo maana waswahili husema mwenye mapenzi haoni-ingawa ina tafsiri nyingi kutegemea na hali yaliyomo mapenzi.

Tumalizie kwa kionjo. Kwa mujibu wa utafiti wa Chuo cha Magonjwa ya Moyo cha Marekani (23.2.23) unaonyesha kuwa wanaume wasiowahi kuoa, wana uwezekano wa kufa mara mbili ya kufa ndani ya miaka mitano ikilinganishwa na wale ambao waliwahi kuoa au wanawake walio katika mahusiano. Tungependa kusikia mrejesho wa makala hii toka kwa wasomaji na kutoa majibu au ufafanuzi kuhusiana na ndoa.

Chanzo: Mwaanchi Jpili iliyopita.

Mafyatu tunakumiss Edward Sokoine

Mpendwa Fyatu Edward Moringe Sokoine ole Severe.
Najua umelala kwa miaka 40. Juzi nilisikia chawa mmoja akikuita mzee. Kwa uchache, nikupe bonge la kumbukizi. Uliondoka mbichi miaka 45 tena kwa utata. Hata hivyo, ilisemekana, ulifyatuliwa na mfumo uliouamini na kuutumikia kwa mapenzi na uaminifu mkubwa japo hakukuamini wala kukupenda. Nakumbuka wabaya wako walivyokufyatua uliowanyima amani na usingizi tokana na uchapakazi na uzalendo wako kwa mafyatu wanyonge. Hata ulipopata ‘ajali’ pale Dakawa, 12 Aprili, 1984 ukitokea Dodoma kwenda Dar, mengi yalisemwa. Wapo waliosema ulisokoiniwa au kufyatuliwa na waliotuaminisha tusiamini yalikuwa mapenzi ya Mungu.
            Niseme wazi. Kifo chako kilikuwa tata kikiacha utata hadi leo. Si wote wanaoamini uliitwa na Muumba zaidi ya kuwahishwa na wabaya wa kaya. Tunakumbuka. Tunajua. Kilitokana na juhudi zako za kutetea, kutenda, na kuleta haki kwa mafyatu. Ni kama jana. Nakumbuka kasheshe zako za kuwanasa wahujumu uchumi na walanguzi wa bidhaa. Nakumbuka ulivyopiga vitu uvivu, ufisadi, na wizi kwelikweli. Hata siku unasomewa wasifu wako, wengi wasiokuwa waaminifu na wazalendo walishangaa kujua ulikuwa na pea chache za viatu. Hukujilimbikizia mali. Hukupendelea, wake, watoto, marafiki wala ndugu zako kwenye ulaji. Hakika, hukula bali kuzalisha. Wengi walikuonea wivu huku wengine wengi, hasa mafyatu, wakikupenda.
            Ulifanya mengi moja ikiwa vita dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi na walanguzi  mbali na vita ya Kagera ulivisimamia kishujaa. Tunakumbuka dunia ilivyostuka na kuhuzunika. Tulihuzunika na kukutunza kama dafina mioyoni. Ulikuwa mchapakazi asiye mbabaishaji wala muongo. Japo ulipewa majukumu ya kisiasa, hukuwa mwanasiasa mtekelezaji mwaminifu mwema wa kupigiwa mfano.
            Uliipenda na kuithamini elimu. Ulipochaguliwa mbunge ukagundua kiwango chako cha elimu kilipwaya, uliacha uwaziri mkuu na kwenda Yugoslavia kujinoa ulikonyakua shahada katika Sayansi ya Siasa (Political Science). Kwa uamifu, udhu, na weledi wako, hukutafuta shahada ya heshima wala kuinunua kama ilivyo siku hizi. Uliamini katika ukweli tena kwa vitendo. Hukupenda sifa wala sanaa za kisiasa wala hukufanya maigizo ambayo siku hizi ndiyo namna ya kuwafyatua mafyatu watoe kura ya kula. Uliporejea ukiwa umeiva kwelikweli, Mzee Mchonga alikurejeshea uwaziri mkuu ili umsaidie kuongoza kaya wakati wa kipindi kigumu. Kipindi kile mafyatu waliteuliwa kwa sifa za kweli na siyo kujuana au kuwa na uhusiano na wateuzi. Mafyatu wote walikukubali na kukuunga mkono ingawa wabaya wachache kwenye system walikuchukia. Ulikuwa mwiba kwao. Hivyo, hata ilipotokea ‘ajali’ waliamini ilikuwa ya kutengenezwa. Hii ni kutokana na maelezo yasiyoingia akilini kuwa Dumisani Dube, MuAfrika Kusini aliyesemekana aligonga gari lako ndiye alikufyatua. Ajabu ya maajabu, huyo hakuonyeshwa. Na kama angeonyeshwa, asingekuwa na jeraha saa ingine asijue hata hiyo ajali.
            Kuepuka kuonekana ninazusha, hatukuonyeshwa picha ya majeruhi wengine. Tulichoambiwa ni kwamba gari lako ‘lilipogongwa’ wewe  ndiye pekee uliyeumizwa. Na kweli, walikuumiza hadi kukutoa duniani. Wengi tulishangaa, kwanza, ilikuwaje ufe wewe peke yako bila majeruhi hata mmoja. Pili, kwa waliojua afya bora, walishangaa ilikuwaje eti ufe hatujui kwa msutuko au majeraha. Hata mwili wako hatukuonyeshwa tujiridhishe. Kawaida, wakifyatuka wanene kama wewe, miili yao huwekwa wazi Bungeni, Karimjee, hata viwanjani ili mafyatu wawaone na kuwaaga. Kwako, yote haya hayakufanyika. Kwa vile mafyatu si mataahira, tulishuku. Kulikuwa na mkono wa mtu. Hata hivyo, tunamshukuru Mungu. Waliokufyatua nadhani wote walishafyatuka. Kibaya sana, waliondoka na siri ya kufa kwako. Naamini bado siri hii inawatesa kwa sababu hawakutenda jambo jema.
            Kwa tunaokumbuka zama zako, uliamini kuwa uongozi ni utumishi wa umma na si utumikishaji wake. Uliamini kuwa uongozi ilikuwa ni kuwatengenezea mafyatu mazingira na maisha bora. Hukuamini katika kuwala na kuwanyonya mafyatu hadi wengi wakifa njaa na umaskini wa kutengezwa. hukuujua uchawa wala upanyabuku bali uongozi na utumishi wa umma. Hapakuwa na wingi wa skandali za upigaji au upendeleaji.
            Nimalizie. Habari njema, ni kwamba hata wale wabaya wako waliokufyatua, wengi walishafyatuliwa. Waliacha kila kitu walichokilinda hata kwa kudhulumu hata roho za wenzao. Marafiki zako akina Rashid na wengine walishafyatuka. Aliyebaki ni mzee Cleo. Haraka, ngoja nikujuze yaliyotokea. Siasa ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea uliyofia haipo tena. Badala yake kuna Uhujumaa na Kujimegea. Wakubwa wanamega kama hawana akili nzuri au hawatafyatuliwa. Siku hizi, siyo siri tena. Wanene ni matajiri tena ghafla bin vuu. Hakuna anayeshangaa wala kuhoji! Si ajabu wala mwiko kuwa na chawa kwenye ofisi za mafyatu tena wanye madoadoa tokana na ufisadi na wizi wao. Zamani mlijenga kaya. Siku hizi, wachache wanaila hadi kuiuza kwa wachukuaji na kuibomoa. Habari ndiyo hiyo. Guess what. Tuna uchakachuaji mwakani. Mafyatu wanashangaa miaka yote huwa huadhimishwi wala kukumbukwa. What’s up? Lala salama Fyatu mwenzetu, Ed Morning Sokoi4 ole Severe.

Chanzo: Mwananchi Jtano.

Chanzo mauaji ya wanandoa hiki hapa

Taarifa za mauaji ya wanandoa zinazidi kuongezeka kiasi cha kukera na kutisha. Haupiti mwezi, na sasa wiki, bila kusikia taarifa za mume kumuua mkewe kwa sababu mbalimbali kuu ikiwa wivu wa kimapenzi kugombea mali na mambo mengine kama hayo. Je mauaji haya yanasababishwa na wivu wa kimapenzi au ujinga, tamaa, uvunjifu wa maadili, na mengine mengi? Kama jamii na taifa tunachukua hatua gani kupambana na tatizo hili? Tumekubali kuwa mashahidi na wahanga kana kwamba hatuwezi kuingilia kati?
          Tunaweza kusema kuwa ukatili katika ndoa unaweza kusababishwa na yafuatayo:

            Mosi, kuingia katika ndoa bila maandalizi na utafiti vya kutosha. Haya yakifanyika, wahusika huwa tayari kusomana na kukubali mapungufu yao na kuyafanyia kazi, kujiboresha, na kukjiongeza.
            Pili, kutojua au kukumbuka kuwa duniani tunaisha mara moja. Hivyo, sisi binafsi hupenda kutumia kila fursa na kuifaidi hasa ikizingatiwa hatujui tutakufa lini. Uhakikisha hatupotezi fursa hii adhimu, hukosoana bila kutishana, kudharauliana tukijua sisi si wakamilifu wasiojua kila kitu.
            Tatu, kutojua umuhimu wa amani. Hivyo, tangu tulipokubaliana kufunga ndoa, tuliahidiana kujenga familia ya amani ili tuwarithishe watoto wetu bila kushwawishi bali kuwapa fursa waangalie wenyewe waige.
           Nne, kutojua na kukubali kuwa hakuna binadamu mkamilifu hata mmoja. Badala yake kuna watu wenye mapungufu ambao ni vizuri kukubali kuishi nao tukirekebishana tukiamini kuna siku tutafanikiwa kupunguza mapungufu yetu na kuyageuza fursa.
           Tuangalie vyanzo vya ukatili katika ndoa. Kwa uzoefu, wetu kama wanandoa na  mmoja wetu mwanataaluma ya mahusiano na usuluhishi wa migogoro, tunaomba tujielekeze kwenye sababu kuu zifuatazo ambazo zaweza kuwa vyanzo vikuu vya mauaji na ukatili katika taasisi hii adhimu na muhimu ya ndoa.
            Mosi, wanandoa wengi hudhani wameoa au kuolewa na malaika wasijue ni binadmu wenye mapungufu kama vile:
    A) ujinga ambapo wahusika hufanya mambo bila kujipa nafasi ya kutafuta lau ushauri na ujuzi juu ya taasisi hii isiyoepukika katika maisha.
    B) wapo wanaosukumwa na tamaa iwe ya ngono au vitu vingine kama elimu, mali, na mambo mengine ukiachia mbali upofu na haraka kimaamuzi. Kuna makabila nchini ambapo wazazi huwaambia mabinti zao kutafuta wanaume wenye fedha au taaluma zinazoingiza fedha kama vile biashara, udaktari, uhasibu, uanasheria, au zenye kuvutia rushwa bila kuangalia watu wanaoolewa nao. Unaweza kupata mume mwenye sifa hizo hapo juu, mfano mfanyabiashara wa mihadarati, jambazi au hata mnyanyasaji na muuaji. Mara nyingi, makabila haya ni ya watu wavivu kutafuta na wanyonyaji wanaowageuza mabinti zao vitega uchumi na ‘chuma ulete’wasijue madhara yake yanaweza kuwa makubwa hata vifo. Hawa ni wengi. Huwa hawajiamini na wanaamini katika waganga wa kienyeji na ujinga mwingine.
    Mara nyingi, wanaofuata ufanisi au utajiri kupitia ndoa hujikuta kwenye matatizo kama vile kutothaminiwa na kupendwa kama walivyotegemea hasa kwa wale wanaojua walichofuata. Hawa ni gold diggers au wachimba dhahabu kwa kimombo ambao tamaa na ujinga wao vyaweza kuwasababishia maisha ya mbwa hat amauti. Japo si wahanga wote wako kwenye kundi hili. Wanaweza kwa jinsia zote. Wanaweza kutenzwa kwa vitu badala ya utu kwa vile walifuata vitu na hawakuwapenda wenzao kimapenzi bali kivitu. Wengine wanapozidiwa, ima huwaua waume au kuwageuka na kutaka waachane ili kugawana au kupewa mali kiasi cha kuwaacha watoto kwenye matatizo yasiyo na sababu zaidi ya tamaa. Pia, waume wanapochoka, wanaweza kuwaangamiza wake zao.
    Gold diggers, mara nyingi huchukuliwa kama wahuni, wenye tamaa, waliopoteza muda wao kiasi cha kupoteza mvuto au wengine waliotumia fursa vibaya tokana na sababu mbalimbali kama vile kuchagua sana, kuringa, au kuponda maisha ukiachia wale ambao wengine ni bahati mbaya tu.
    Pili, wapo wanaoingia kwenye taasisi kifasheni au kutoa nuksi wasijue wanaingia kwenye taasisi ya kudumu ambapo mhusika hapaswi kuangalia vitu vya muda. Mfano, wale wanaopeana mimba au kuzidiana akili. Kuna wasichana wengi hasa ambao wameishakata tamaa. Wakipata mtu wa kufanya nao urafiki, watafanya kila mbinu lau ‘watoe nuksi.’ Mara nyingi, hawa huwapata wanaume wasio na uzoefu na kuwasukumiza kwenye ndoa ambazo, mara nyingi, huishia kuvunjika pale wenza wao wanapokomaa na kukekengeuka kwa kujikuta wameigizwa mkenge.
    Tatu, sababu nyingine ni uvunjifu wa maadili. Mfano, kutegesheana mimba au kufungishana ndoa za mkeka bila kujua udhaifu na ubora wa wenzi wao kwa vile wahusika walivunja maadili na kuanza kufanya mambo yasiyokubalika kimaadili kijamii. Hili linawakumba sana wanaume wazinzi na wanaotaka kuchezea watoto wa wenzao.
    Nne, ulimbukeni wa kuiga mambo nao unaweza kuwa sababu katika wakati huu wa mitandao ambapo wanandoa hukutana kwenye mitandao na kuamua kuoana bila kufanya utafiti na kujipa muda wa kutosha. Juzijuzi nchini Marekani, binti mmoja wa kikenya aliyekuwa akisomea unesi, alipotea baada ya kupata mwanaume wa kizungu kwenye mtandao ambaye anatuhumiwa kumuua na kutumia akaunti yake ya benki iliyokuwa na dola kama laki tatu hivi. Je ni wauaji wangapi wamo kwenye dating sites?
    Tumalizie kwa kushauri jamii ianze kurejea kwenye maadili na kuanza kujiuliza ni wapi ilikosea. Wale wanaoendekeza kutaka wachumba matajiri waache uvivu watafute kwani wanaweza kujiponza wakapatikana. Wale wanaokurupuka waache na kuanza kufanya utafiti, kusomana, kuhojiana, na kutafuta ujuzi juu ya taasisi ya ndoa. Kimsingi, ndoa ni kama taaluma. Inahitaji maandalizi na muda wa kupata ujuzi na kufikia uamuzi. Kikubwa zaidi ni upendo wa kweli na uvumilivu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa ndoa siyo urafiki wala suala la muda mfupi bali ni fursa moja ya kudumu isiyo na kifani. Kwa wale wanaona kuwaua wenzao ni jibu si jibu. Unamuu kwani ulimuumba? Wewe utaishi milele? Kama una hasira, tafuta namna ya kuzituliza. Kuliko umuue mwenzako si umuache utafute akufaaye ingawa unaweza kumkimbia mjusi ukamkumbatia mamba.

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.

Barua ya Wazi kwa Rahis Sa100 Ripoti ya CAG

Mpendwa Rahisi, sorry, Raisa, nisikuzeeshe kukuita mama, tunakaribiana kiumri. Usijali lugha yangu. Tatizo ni ufyatu. Dhiki zimenifyatua hadi nafyatuka, kuchanganyikiwa, kuchanganyika huku nikichanganya mambo. Muhimu, nakuheshimia sana dada yangu. Naomba sikio. Kwa unyenyekevu, nifyatuke. Iko makini soma ripoti ya Kaguji, Zibiti Juluku ya Sirkal (KAZIJUSI kama jusi nabanwa na lango) au Covering Addiction and Greed (CAG). Yeye danganya nani? Ile juluku ya Fatu, sirkal haina dukani vala sambani. Ripoti imenivuruga, imeharibia siku yangu. Imeniachia machungu na huzuni. Kila mwaka, ripoti ikitolewa ni ufyatuaji mabilioni kwenda mbele utadhani sirkal ni kipofu au taahira. Heri muifiche mtuondelee maumivu. Naomba univumilie. Tatizo ni wafyatuaji au wale wanaopaswa kuwafyatua wapigaji? Una mamlaka kikatiba na vyombo vya kunusanusa kama Takokuru hata geshi. Lalinda nini kama tunapigwa hivi? Kila mwaka, tunapigwa utadhani hatupo! Tatizo nani na nini?  Hivi vyombo vya nini au mapambo?
            Niepuke mgongano kimaslahi. Mie si chawa wala mpingaji. Sisifu, kuimba mashairi wala mapambio. Ni Fyatu Mfyatuzi mzalendo wa kupigiwa mfano anayechukia rushwa, uchawa, ufisadi, na upigaji njuluku za mafyatu waliochoka kufyatuliwa na shida wakati majizi yakipiga njuluku ndefu yakiishi peponi. Pia, huchukia kuona mamlaka zikiangalia utadhani hazipo.
 Leo sifyatui mengi wala magumu. Niliwahi kumwandikia mtangulizi wako bingwa wa kutumbua namna ya kukomesha huu mchezo mchafu. Hakunijibu wala kufanyia kazi ushauri wangu. Naamni. Naambwa u msikilizaji mzuri Unanisikia? Utafanyia kazi muarobaini huu ninaotoa bure.
            Nashauri unzishe utaratibu wa kukagua na kujiripoti kwa watumishi wote wa umma, kuwachunguza ndugu/washirika wao (Kimakunduuchi, lifestyle audit). Tuna mapanya na wezi wengi wakwasi wakubwa. Tunawajua. Unawajua. wanajijua. Fyatu kamaliza shule juzijuzi. Kaajiriwa Bandari, Takokuru, Uhamiaji, Benki Kuu, Viwanda, Uhamiaji, Polisi, Mahakama, nk.  kwenye mshiko, ni bilionea ghafla bin vu bila maelezo! Waulize mafyatu. Watakutajia wezi wote. Wanaishi nao. Wanawajua. Wanawaona. Haihitaji PhD katika udukuzi/upelelezi. Ukiona nyuso zao, utawajua.
            Tunga sheria kukagua, kuchunguza hata kushuku mali zinazoonekana wazi kupatikana kipigagaji. Ipe meno. Taifisha na tupilia lupango wahusika, kuondoa mazingira na motisha vinavyowawezesha hawa panyabuku kutufyatua na kutupiga. Amini. Mafyatu watakupenda. Watakusaidia. Wamegeuza kaya shamba la bibi kipofu na taahira tukishuhudia upigaji mabilioni ilhali unavuja jasho kwenda ughaibuni kubomu au kuvutia wawekezaji ili panyabuku wachache wabukue na kufyatua. Ukishindwa, useme wazi tuwaulize mafyatu wenye kaya la kufanya.
            Pili, tafadhali anza kufyatua. Ukichelea kutumbua au kuogopa usaha licha ya historia ya kutumika vibaya huko nyuma, useme. Mfano, zikitolewa au kuripotiwa tuhuma za wizi, weka kando wahusika ili wachunguzwe. Juzijuzi, ziliotokea tuhuma kuwa akina Riz One wanapiga njuluku Mirerani. Nini umefanya pamoja na vyombo vya habari kuufichua hujuma hii?
            Tatu, unda taasisi ya siri kuwachunguza Takokuru wanaowachunguza wengine kieleweke isiwe tunacheza kamchezo ka kuajiri ngedere kulinda ndizi tukijua wanavyozipenda. Ikibidi wape geshi. Huko Kenya, watumishi wengi wa umma weshashikwa na kunyang’anywa mali zote walizoshindwa kuzitolea maelezo au zilizopatikana kifisadi.
            Nne, kama muarobain huu haufai wala huna dhamira ya kisiasa kuzifanyia kazi, utangaze kaya yetu iitwe Fyatuliwa kieleweke. Maana, inasikitisha na kuchukiza sina mfano, kushuhudia mafyatu wakijituma kuzalisha na kutengeneza utajiri unaopigwa na kufyatuliwa na mafyatu wachache wasio na uzalendo wala uaminifu.
            Sisteri, naamini. Kama utaanzisha lifestyle audit na kuhoji mali walizo nazo watumishi wa umma, utashinda kansa hii licha ya kukinukisha na kukiumanisha. Pia, haitakuwa mara ya kwanza kuleta mapinduzi katika kupambana na ufisi na ufisadi. Awamu ya Mzee Mchonga mwana wa Burito (RIP sana) ilisifika kwa kunusanusa na kupambana na ufisi, ufisadi, na upigaji wa njuluku za mafyatu. Wakati ule, naamini ulikuwa mkubwa, ukipiga ulabu kupita kiasi au kuuramba sana, unabanwa na kueleza unapopata hiyo njuluku ya matanuzi wakati mafyatu wakitanuliwa na kufyatuliwa na ufukara wa kutengenezwa na ngurumbili. Unda chombo cha kupokea malalamiko ya rushwa na ulimbikizaji mali mafyatu watakupa kila kitu.
            Ukishawanasa wezi, hakikisha, kabla ya kuwadaka na kuwafilisi, unatunga sheria kali ili kila kitu kifanyike kisheria na kisayansi tusiishie kuwatengenezea wao na mawakili wao ulaji utokanao na kushinda kesi mahakamani. Sheria, itamke wazi kuwa kaya ina mamlaka kisheria kutaifisha fedha na mali vya wizi. Nashauri tutumie msamiati wa kurejesha mali za umma badala ya kutaifisha ili wajanja uchwara wasiwatishe wawekezaji kuwa tunarejea kwenye zama za ujima na ujamaa za kutaifishana.
            Kumalizia, anza operesheni hii na watumishi wa Takokuru na taasisi nyingine zenye ushawashi kifedha. Amini. Nakwambia. Siku moja utanitafuta na kunishukuru kwa uzalendo na ubunifu. Nimaliza kwa heshima na taadhima bila kufyatuka. Asante sana dada yangu na karibu ufyatuni. Kkkkkkkk!

Chanzo: Mwaanchi jana.

IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE HISTORIC UGANDA - TANZANIA WAR OF 1978/79.

We made a brief reference to this war in our presentation of last week, but due to lack of editorial space, we failed to complete the story, on the rather lame excuse that “it was already well documented elsewhere”. This was true, but obviously unsatisfactory; because this story  occupies a ‘front seat’ position in the political history of our country, and presumably that of Uganda as well; since  it was the first and only one, inter-State war to be fought in post-colonial  Africa. We have therefore decided to give it ‘full coverage” in today’s presentation.
           The said war commenced in October 1978, and was won by Tanzania on 10th April, 1979, when the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces entered Kampala; and  Uganda’s President Idi Amin fled into exile. Here is the full story.
The root cause of this war.
This was, basically, a war of revenge. President Nyerere was actually taking revenge on his bitter political enemy, Uganda President Iddi Amin, who had taken power through a military coup that  illegally removed the constitutionally elected  President Milton Obote from power. This illegal action alone, would have had hurt President Nyerere, irrespective of who did it, but in the instant case, it was Iddi Amin Dada who thus, ipso facto, became President Nyerere’s bitter political enemy.                               

        But in addition, there were some other factors which contributed to promoting enmity between Nyerere and Iddi Amin. One was that the ousted President Obote was also President Nyerere’s personal friend and political comrade; whom he had not only given refuge  in Dar es Salaam, but had also actually made some covert, unsuccessful attempts, to overthrow Idi Amin and return Obote to power.      

        On his side, Iddi Amin also repeatedly took certain overt actions, to show his enmity to Tanzania.          In the first place, he treated Tanzania persons in Uganda as non grata. Thus, any Ugandan who was suspected of cooperating  in any way with persons from Tanzania, was deemed a traitor, and would be condemned to death for that offence.  In that connection, I vividly remember that this is  what happened to my friend Frank Kalimuzo, who was Vice Chancellor of Makerere University at the time when I was the Vice Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam. But at the time of that occurrence, I had already been appointed Executive Secretary of Chama cha Mapinduzi, and lost contact with him.  I am therefore unaware of the circumstances which led to his being accused of this offence. It could possibly have been his failure, or perhaps delay, in dismissing  the Tanzania students at Makerere University.I came to learn later that  he was, on one fateful day, taken away by Ugandan Security personnel, never to be seen again; hence presumed to have been killed. 

            Secondly, he precipitated provocative incursions into Tanzania, sending his Air Force planes to drop bombs on Mwanza Municipality in 1972.  Fortunately, the bombs caused no substantial harm to the Mwanza  residents;  but they created immense harmful fear and despondency generally  among the people there and elsewhere in Tanzania; forcing the government to take ok appropriate measures to protect the entire country from such  military incursions.
His  fatal incursion, and Nyerere’s  declaration of war.
 In October 1978, the Ugandan Army suddenly invaded,  and occupied, a large part of Tanzanian Territory known as the Kagera Salient,  situated  in the present Kagera Region; whichwas followed by , Presidet Iddi Amin provocative announcement, that  he had annexed that part of Tanzania to Uganda.  And, in order to protect itself from counter attack by the Tanzania armed forces, the Ugandan invading army destroyed the only bridge across Kagera river, which connects the Kagera Salient with the rest of the country. 

        President Nyerere was, at the material time, on a working tour of Ruvuma Region in southern Tanzania. He immediately returned to Dar es Salaam to mobilize the Tanzania armed forces for the struggle to chase the enemy away from our Territory.  At the appropriate moment, he called a meeting of the Da es Salaam Elders at the Diamond Jubilee Hall in Dar es Salaam,  at which he solemnly declared war on Uganda.                                  

        He started by explaining, in the professional style of a classroom teacher that he was, all that had taken place  relating  to the country’s invasion by  Iddi Amin’s military forces; at the end of which,  he pronounced his war declaration edict, in the immortal Kiswahili words of: “Sababu ya kumpiga, tunayo;  Nia ya kumpiga, tunayo, na Uwezo wa kumpiga, pia  tunao. TUTAMPIGA”.
        Fortunately, the country and the people of Tanzania had been psychologically prepared, because when Iddi Amin carried out his coup in January 1971; Nyerere convened a special extraordinary meeting of the TANU National Executive Committee, to deliberate on this matter. That meeting issued a major policy statement, titled “Mwongozo wa TANU wa 1971”; which listed a range of precautionary measures to be taken, that would make it difficult for such coup to take place in Tanzania. These included introducing a programme of military training for all able-bodied Tanzanians.   This is  what  led to the establishment of the “Mgambo” paramilitary institution. Thus, when war was declared, the ‘Mgambo’ cadres were mobilized to join the war effort, and they played a very crucial role in that major conflict.                  

        The execution of the war task,  was slightly easier with regard to the first part of the war, namely,  the liberation of the Kagera Salient, which  was achieved in a relatively short period of time; facilitated by TPDF’s  modern ‘long-range missile’ weapons; which they used very effectively against the invaders of the Ugandan army; for they  were forced to retreat to their side of the border.  This allowed the TPDF ground forces to restore the bridge on Kagera river, and to move the ground forces into that area, fully armed with adequate fire power. The original mission of ‘liberating’ the Kagera Salient, had thus been accomplished, and that objective had been achieved. 

        But then, the difficult circumstances that arose from that situation (of the two armies of Uganda and Tanzania, indefinitely facing each other in hostility) at the border, necessitated a search for a more viable solution to be undertaken.  And it was the TPDF commanders who came up with a workable option; which was that they should “be allowed to carry the war right into Uganda, in order  to go and get rid of the unpredictable Iddi Amin, so as to ensure lasting peace for Tanzanians”.                                             

          They therefore  sent a formal request to President Nyerere, their Commander-in-Chief, to allow them to do so.  
President Nyerere’s dilemma.
In making his decision on that request, President Nyerere found himself in a dilemma.  Being himself a committed Pan-Africanist, he did not relish the prospect of being accused of actively and overtly interfering in the internal affairs of another African country, to the extent of removing its top leader from power.                                                                        

        To borrow the Biblical language, “his spirit was indeed willing” (to exercise revenge on his political enemy by getting rid of him);  but his body was weak”;  in the sense that he was constrained by the fear stated above, of being condemned by his peers for having so interfered in the internal affairs  of another African country.                                            

        According to him, he agonized over this matter for the most part of the relevant week, until he unwillingly surrendered to the option of not accepting the request from the TPDF commanders.  He revealed his ‘burden’ to me, when I had gone to his Msasani office in my capacity as CCM Executive Secretary, to consult him on  some other party matter. After that business was done and completed, and before I left his office, he took that opportunity to narrate to me what had happened. That is when he revealed what had happened, namely that on the previous Saturday, he had decided to inform the TPDF commanders that he was unable to accede to their request. But that he could not deliver this unpalatable message to them himself, for he wouldn’t want to witness the inevitable disappointment of his armed forces.  So he decided instead, to send his Vice President Aboud Jumbe, to deliver that disappointing message.                   

        But still, that decision continued troubling him. Hence, when he went to church the next Sunday morning, he fervently prayed to seek God’s divine guidance, regarding whether he had, in fact, made the right decision. That is when he received the inspiration, that he should have allowed the request by his commanders. This confirmed what was his own wish and desire to do so.  Hence, after that Holy Mas, he drove back to his residence fully charged with enthusiasm; which made him decide to go and deliver the positive massage himself.                 

         Accordingly, the necessary arrangements were quickly made for his travel to the Mutukula border with Uganda, (where the commanders were stationed), to happily deliver the good news.  
But this was the beginning of the more difficult second part of the said war; for it involved the need to overcome certain obvious risks; such as accusations of breaching the relevant international laws that govern international State relationships; and  the inevitable condemnations associated therewith.                          This is actually what explains President Nyerere’s agony in arriving at the decision referred to above; which he  now  confidently made, after God’s guidance.

The waging of the war inside Uganda.
As is the case in practically all wars, the ‘Kagera war’ was, similarly, a very difficult war, for it  caused the death of many people, and injuries to many others, on both sides of the conflict.                                  
        While President Nyerere mobilized  the Ugandan anti-Amin forces that were covertly  fighting to remove him from power; the  Uganda President Iddi Amin, requested his close ally, President Gaddafi of Libya; and his other ally,  the Palestine Liberation  Organization (PLO), to give him military support, which they both agreed to do; and sent battalion of guerilla fighters to Uganda  to add strength to Iddi Amin’s army.                                                              

        But despite that, the Tanzania Defence Forces fighters, who included thousands of trained ‘Mgambo’ cadres, made surprisingly  rapid progress, on their mission to Kampala. They managed to defeat  a strong combined force of the Uganda Army and the PLO guerilla fighters, at one  major battle that was fought at Lukaya.                                                                     

           The loss of Lukaya, greatly weakened the morale of the Ugandan army, and its supporting Arab fighters.  But they soldiered on, until a TPDF regiment ambushed and destroyed a convoy of Libyan soldiers that was travelling on the Kampala – Entebbe road.

            Soon after that, Libya  ended  its intervention in this war, and its troops left Uganda.  This was in early April, 1979.  But the struggle continued, until on 10th April, 1979, the TPDF gallant fighters entered and conquered Kampala, and President Iddi Amin fled into  exile.                                                                                        He had effectively been removed from power, and the Presidency of Uganda was now  vacant .                            In the meantime, President Nyerere had sponsored a conference of all the different groups that were fighting to remove Iddi Amin from power.  That conference, held at Moshi, resolved to establish the  “Uganda National Liberation Front” (UNFL); which proceeded to form an interim government to take care of that country’s affairs, pending the completion of the arrangements for  the election of the country’ leaders; which followed later. piomsekwa@gmail.com    /0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa and the Daily News today.

Toka Wanyonge Hadi Machawa

Mafyatu tumejengewa dhana na utamaduni mchafu na hovyo. Tumepewa majina ya hovyo sababu tu hovyo. Tunaonekana hivyo. Tume/ligeuzwa wanyonge wao wababe, tukaamini, tukaupokea, kukuubali, kutukuza, kusifia, kuridhika, na kushangilia. Ukiwa mnyonge uhitaji kutetewa badala ya kujitetea. Huwezi kupigania na kuinyakua haki kwa vile umenyongonyea. Tusikubali kunyonyong'onyezwa hata kunyongwa na kunyongeka.

Ukiwa chawa unahitaji uchafu ili uishi. Chawa ni mdudu  hana haki wala haistahiki. Leo, nitafyatua awamu mbili mtawalia, faivu na sikisi. Faivu ilituita na kutufanya wanyonge. Hatukuuliza wanyonge katika nini na kwanini! tuliridhika kuambiwa na kusikia tulichotaka kusikia. Ghafla bin vu, kaya ya mafyatu ikageuka ya wanyonge! Walichipuka wanyonge, wanyongeaji, wanyonyaji hata wanyongaji. Kkkkk! Inasikitisha japo nacheka. Wapo walionyonga na walionyongwa tukaanza, taratibu, kuzoea. Tuliambukizwa tukaugua ugonjwa wa nyongea na unyonge. Badala ya kufyatuka tukafyatua, tulivyatuliwa jumla.

            Kama haikutosha, tuliupokea na kuukubali unyonge tukaanza kujikomba, kusifia waliotunyong’onyesha mbali na kuunga mkono unyonge wetu. Tulinyong’onyeshwa tukanyong’onyea kwelikweli tukashindwa kufyatuka na kufyatua. Katika unyonge wetu tulinyonywa tukanyonyeka tukaendelea kunyong’onyea. Walizuka wanyonyaji wateule wakaendesha kaya kigeshi. Wapo waliogeuka miungu tusijue nao wanavyatuliwa hata wakiwafyatua wenzao au kuwanyonya, kuwanyonga, na kuwanyong’onyeza.  Huwezi kuendesha kaya kinyonge, kinyonyaji, na wanyonywaji ukajisifu umefanikiwa.

Haiwi huwa! Kwa mkono wake, Al-Ma’buwd, ghafla bin vu, akafyatua ikaingia awamu mazeri doktari. Iliutosa unyonge japo iliuendeleza kidizaika. Ilikuja dhana ya machawa. Ghafla, tukaondoka unyongeni tukaelekea uchawani tulioupwakia kama ushahidi kuntu wa uchafu na unyonge wetu na wao. Baada ya kunyong’onyezwa, na kunyong’onyea, tunanyonywa. Kazi ya chawa na machawa nini? Sitaki nirudie unyonywaji uliopewa majina matamu kama vile tonzo, kikokotezo, nk. Pamoja na kunyonywa, hatukufyatuka na kufyatua wanaotunyonya au kutuchawisha. Tumeukubali uchawa, dharau, udhalili, na udhalilishaji. Japo tunajua nani anamnyonya nani, hakuna anayelalamika zaidi ya kujipendekeza kwa kupwakia kila uchafu kifalsafa.

            Kimsingi na kifyatu, anayewaita au kuwageuza wenzake wanyonge au machawa, naye mnyonge au chawa. Ni mnyonyaji na mchafu kama chawa. Chawa na uchawa ni alama za uchafu na unyonyaji asivyopaswa kutumia fyatu aliyefyatuliwa na Mungu. Hapa, lazima kuwe na ima mtindio wa ubongo, ugonjwa wa akili, ukichaa, hata utaahira wa pamoja au collective mental malade kwa kifipa. Kufuga chawa, lazima uwe mchafu. Kuwa chawa, lazima uwe umeishiwa ubunifu, ufyatu hata ungurumbili. Waanimo (hayawani) wanatuzidi! Kumbe wanyama ni mafyatu wa kweli? Digidigi, faru, nyati, swala, n.k hugaragara ima matopeni au mavumbini kuwaondoa chawa wasiwanyonye. Nyani huwafukua na kuwatafuna, maana wanachukia kunyonywa. Nyani, pamoja na unyani wao, hawajidai wala kuridhika na kufuga chawa. Inakuwaje mafyatu, tena wanene, waridhike na kufuga machawa? Inakuwaje mafyatu waliojaliwa bongo zinazochemka, mikono, na nguvu wakubali au kugeuzwa au kujigeuza machawa ndiyo waishi? Pamoja na ufyatu na uprofesa emeritus wangu, hii anomaly (sina kimakonde chake) imenishinda kuitanzua na kuipatia jawabu mujarabu.

            Ni hiari na jukumu la wanyonywao kuwaulia mbali chawa. Ni jukumu la wanene kujenga mifumo safi na si uchawa wala uchafu. Tunawafundisha nini vitegemezi vyetu japo vyao vimeridhika na uchawa tokana na kuwa chawa wanaonufaika na uchawa? Je tutafuga chawa hadi lini na iwe nini kwa faida gani au kumkomoa nani? Je falsafa za maana zimeisha hadi tuishiwe na kuanzisha na kuendekeza falsafa za kichawachawa? Chawa wanatucheka. Wanatuona hamnazo kwa vile hatujui udhalili wao. Mnadhani chawa wana furaha na heshima? Kawaulize wenyewe.

            Leo tuna uchawa. Tunajivunia. Nani ajuaye kama kesho hatutageuzwa funza, kunguni, panya, na viroboto? Nani ajuaye kama hatutageuzwa jamii ya mbu mueneza malaria au inzi msambaza kipindupindu? Namna hii tutapona? Je tufanye nini? Jibu ni rahisi. Tusijirahisi, kurahisishwa, na kugeuzwa wadudu tena  wabaya. Tuukatae uchawa, ududu, na udhalili kulhali. Kazi yangu ni kufyatuka na kufyatua. Kazi kwenu mafyatu kunielewa na mkafyatuka na kufyatua kwelikweli.

            Anayewaita wenzake chawa anashindwa nini kuwaua? Anayekubali kuitwa na kuwa chawa atashindwa kusiginwa na yule amuitae na kumuona ni chawa? Chawa na uchawa, hata wafuga chawa, wote ni wachafu. Hawahitajiki katika jamii ya mafyatu. Lazima tuwafyatue tunapopata fursa.

            Juzi nilitembelea kaya ya mafyatu tuliowaita manyang’au. Bila hili wala lile jamaa mmoja akaniita chawa! Kama siyo kuogopa karau, ningemdedisha ajue mie fyatu si chawa wala kunguni. Chawa huchukia mwanga na kupenda giza. Hula na kuishi gizani. Anapenda vya gizani. Huyu, hakika, ni mpenzi wa mgao wa umeme alale na ale uzuri. Mafyatu hamuyajui haya! Nshawaambieni. Fumbo nimefumbua. Kazi kwenu kuendelea kuwa au kuliwa na machawa au kufyatuka na kutaka lugha ya uchawa ikome haraka. Nashauri. Tuuchukie na kuukataa unyonge kwa sauti na herufi kubwa. Du! Nahisi kuna chawa ananinyonya! Anawasha ja upupu. Ngoja nimuulie mbali. Are you there?

Chanzo Mwananchi Jne iliyopita.

A DREAM COME TRUE : THE COMPLETION OF THE RUFIJI RIVER HYDROPOWER PROJECT.

The word ‘dream’ is used here in the sense of “a wish to have something, especially one that seems difficult to achieve’; and not that of  ‘events, or feelings that pass through a person’s mind when he is asleep’. Available records show that the well-known, US civil rights leader Martin Luther King (1929-68); used the words “I have a dream”, in a number of his speeches, including that which he delivered in Washington on 28th August, 1963; in which he said: “I have a dream, that one day, this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal”.                                                          

        The Rufiji hydropower project (now known as the ‘Julius Nyerere Hydro Power Station), has been a lifelong ‘dream’, of many different people over different time periods.  It is a huge dam that has been constructed across the Rufiji River in Eastern Tanzania. According to government sources, this power station is expected to have an installed capacity 2,115 megawatts. The project, which is claimed to be the largest power station in East Africa, the fourth largest concrete dam in Africa, and the ninth largest in the world;   is owned and managed  by the Tanzania Electric Supply Company (TANESCO), It reportedly 1200 square kilometres, with 34,000,000.00 cubic metres of water.                                 

The genesis of the Rufiji River dam construction ‘dream’.
This ‘dream’, or grand idea, has been a lifelong dream of many different officials, at different times, and for different reasons.  It actually commenced during the period when Tanganyika was ruled by the Germans. It was conceived in 1901, by a German Engineer named Stiegler, who led the first expedition to what became known as Stiegler’s Gorge, to consider its potential for the construction of such an infrastructure.  Unfortunately, while he was measuring the Gorge, Engineer Stiegler was attacked and killed by an elephant near the ravine, in 1907, which led to this project being named after him, in his memory and honour.  When subsequently the British took over the country’s Administration; they also developed plans for a dam to be constructed there.  The records show that during that period of British rule, the first systematic development surveys of the Rufiji River were conducted in 1928 – 1929, by one Alexander Telford: with Engineer Gilman carrying out further surveys in 1938 – 1940. 
These early studies primarily envisioned the setting up of an irrigation infrastructure with the construction there of a small dam, to reduce flooding and to protect downstream irrigation infrastructure. This chanded in the 1950s, when the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) started studying the Rufiji River infrastructure, to include a far larger dam wall of around 100 meters, aimed at transforming the Rufiji valley to an artificial environment, providing water for agriculture.
President Nyerere’s ‘dream’. 
        After he came to power as the country’s President in December 1962,  President Nyerere seems to “have a dream” (precisely in the style of Martin Luther King), of using hydropower dams as the key deliverers of his ambitious modernization programme,  and particularly his industrialization scheme, which was envisaged in the Second Five-Year Development Plan;  and which, obviously, would need the availability of stable, and cheap electricity.   That is what drove his government to invest in the Great Ruaha Hydropower project, which involved the construction of hydropower plants at Kidatu, and Mtera. The Ruaha is an upstream tributary of the Rufiji River.                                                        

        Thus, the government announcement that the Julius Nyerere Hydropower project (JNHPP)  construction  is nearing completion and has actually started injecting electricity into the national grid, is very good news; indeed, for it marks the successful realization of our country’s  Founder and Father of the nation, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. It is, needless to say, a major, and very significant, “historic milestone”.
        The word ‘milestone’ means ‘a very important stage, or event, in the development of something’.  In the initial stages of our political development (during the struggle for independence); there occurred an event which also can justifiably be described as a “historic milestone”; which occurred during the month of March 1955, also concerning the same Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. The relevant event is  with regard to the personal sacrifice which he made, of resigning from a lucrative teaching job at the then St. Francis College, Pugu;  which was being operated by  Irish Catholic missionaries known as Holy Ghost Fathers. 
            Mwalimu Nyerere had only just commenced his active engagement in politics, with his election to the Chairmanship of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which was established on 7th July 1954. But his engagement in politics soon put him into trouble with the British colonial Authorities , who, apparently,  were closely watching all  his actions in that respect, which appeared to give much needed strength to the said struggle.  They thus decided to put a stop to his support to TANU, which they considered to be dangerous to their interests.  They therefore conspired with the Headmaster of  St. Francis College, to ask Nyerere to make a choice, between either retaining his secure teaching job there, or resigning therefrom, to enable him to pursue his political activities.           

        Here is the story of what actually happened, as told by Nyerere himself :- “On one Sunday morning, 21st March 1955, the headmaster, Fr. Lynch, called me to his office after the morning prayers , to give me what he describe as  “fatherly advice” from his spiritual father. This is wat he said to me: ‘Julius we have noticed that you have recently been heavily engaged in politics by often travelling to Dar es Salaam to engage in political discussions with other politicians.                           

        I want to caution you, that this is very dangerous for your teaching profession. You are of course aware of the Bible teaching that you cannot serve two masters. Hence, my sincere advice to you now, is that you should put yourself on the safe side.   Just abandon your association with those dangerous political troublemakers, and concentrate on your teaching profession. This will be in your own personal interest, and that of your young family.  So, go and think carefully about it, and let me know your decision as soon as possible”.

        It was, indeed, a very difficult choice for him to make; but he boldly made it, by choosing the option of resigning from his lucrative teaching job. This is his extreme personal sacrifice that I referred to above. The mental agony which afflicted him in the process of making this difficult decision. is succinctly revealed in his resignation letter to the headmaster, dated 22nd March, 1955; which reads, in part, as follows:-  “hen the option of resignation from TANU is given to me as a condition for retaining my job as a teacher, the matter becomes a matter of principle. In such circumstances, I have chosen to resign. I am fully aware of, and I feel very sad,  about the economic  consequences of my resignation, to me and my family. Nevertheless, as a matter of principle, I have consciously opted to resign”.
        That, I would venture to say, resonates with the Biblical story of Abraham’s willingness and readiness to sacrifice his only son,  in obedience to God’s command, for which God rewarded him with many more children. Mwalimu Nyerere was similarly willing and ready to sacrifice his lucrative job, in obedience to an abstract principle. And God seems to have amply rewarded him for this sacrifice, by enabling his efforts in the independence struggle to succeed, even earlier than had been generally anticipated;  and using only non-violent, peaceful methods.                                              

        In my humble opinion, this personal sacrifice event should be taken into consideration as evidence in support of his canonization process, currently being undertaken by the Catholic church in Tanzania.    
      For the benefit of those who are not fully conversant with this purely Christian matter, I should explain that “canonization” is the name given to the lengthy process, which is normally undertaken by the Catholic church, which eventually terminates in a departed person being declared a “saint”; i.e. a person who lived a holy life during his time here on earth. 
It should also be carefully noted, that the said Nyerere’s ‘sacrifice action’; helps to illustrate the high “cost of adhering to principles”. This is relevant here, because of the fact that Mwalimu Nyerere’s  strict ‘adhere to principles’ after he came into power did indeed cost the country, in terms of losing  the financial aid which had been promised, for supporting certain specified social and economic development projects.                                                         

Nyerere’s dream ‘comes true’
It is the late  President  John Pombe Magufuli, of the fifth phase government of the United Republic, whose determination to honour the late President Nyerere,  by making a firm commitment, to have all of Nyrere’s mega infrastructure projects completed; which has made it possible for the Rufiji Hydropower project to be completed, plus the other mega project of moving the seat of government from Dar es Salaam  to Dodoma; when his commitment was taken over after his sudden death in office, by his very able and equally sincerely committed successor, President Samia Suluhu Hssan.
When Dr. Magufuli entered the stage in 2015 after winning the Presidential election of that year, the said ‘dream’ had practically been forgotten; for it had ceased appearing in the government Five Year Development Plans, due to  the government’s low financial status, which   made that project appear to be an absolutely unachievable objective.                                                              

         But then entered President John Magufuli, apparently having imbibed, and been invigorated, by his predecessor President Jakaya Kikwete’s slogan of “Nguvu mpya, Ari mpya,  na kasi mpya”; he quickly embarked on introducing legislation to revamp the rich mineral sector;  which soon  resulted in vastly increased government revenues. 
        On Monday, 3rd July, 2017, the Parliament of the United Republic enacted two “natural resources protection” laws These were: (i)  “The Natual Wealth and Resources Contracts (Review and Re-negotiation of unconscionable Terms) Act, 2017”; and (ii) “The Natural Wealth and Resources (permanent Sovereignty) Act, 2017. These two were supplemented by a third law, cited as “The Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendments) Act, 2017; which made amendments to six other laws, whose overall objective was to strengthen the supervision and control of the mining sector, and its allied sectors of oil and natural gas; and also aimed at improving government revenue collections  from those sectors.  
         President Magufuli had earlier appointed two specialist committees, which were entrusted with the responsibility to investigate what he suspected to be “massive thievery” and deception, perpetrated by specified mining firms, as a result of faulty mining contracts, and inappropriate applicable laws.  This is the essence of what I described above as President Magufuli’s imbibing President Jakaya Kikwete’s slogan of “Nguvu mpya, Ari mpya, na Kasi mpya”; plus  the  ‘intoxicating’ invigoration resulting therefrom. 
        Upon President Magufuli’s sudden death, his successor in office, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, made her own innovation by producing the “Royal Tour” documentary, which also resulted in massive increases in government revenue collections, through increased numbers of tourist arrivals.                        
Thus, what had previously been deemed impossible to achieve because of financial constraints, now became possible  under the mentioned innovative new revenue collection measures, introduced by Presidents John Pombe Magufuli, and Samia Sulhu Hassan.  
 piomsekwa@gmail.com   /0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa and Daily News today.

Sisi CcM Inapofyatua Kiki Kutufyatua Tikitiki

Marais sasa wa Danganyika waliodanganyika wakawadanganya wadanganyika Chiwawa na SSH (pichani).

Chama cha Mafyatu (CcM) kina sera ya Kisanii na Kizushi, sorry, ya Kishua na Kivungio (KIKI). Kutokana na KIKI kushika kasi, wapo mafyatu kaidi wanaoiita Kutapeli Institute in Kula Inchi, Kuzuga Ili Kufyatua Inji, Kudanga Ili Kupumbaza Inji nk. Juzi toto janja aliniuliza kitu chakufikirisha, kufundisha, na kufyatua nikakukumbuka KIKI iliyonipa kiki, makeke, na mikiki kufyatuka na kufyatua. Baada ya kushuhudia vimbwanga na vitimbwi vya KIKI, makeke, na mikiki, dogo fyatu alinifyatua tena kwa makeke na mikikii aliniuliza kaya ina marahis wangapi. Nilimjibu “doktari mazeri mwenyewe.” Alinicheka utadhani mie siyo profesa emeritus wala daktari ila dokatri. Nilitafakari, nikamuuliza “nitajie, wapo wangapi?” Alizoza “wawili?” “Wataje” niliuliza. Alijibu  "doktari, alhajat Ustaadha, alimuuminat, mazeri na kufari Bashiti aka Chiwawa.” La hawla wa la quwwata illa Billah! Kabla kuendelea kufyatuka na kufyatua, kijasho chembamba kilinichuruzika bila kufanya au kuacha nilivyozidiwa kete kiudodosi.

Dogo, kama Kadogo-Sir wa SgR uchwara, alinichanganya pamwe na udoktari na uprofesa wangu. Nilimuuliza “ulijuaje?” Alijibu “huoni huyu rahis chawa wa pili na wa kwanza anayeonekana runigani akipelekewa ‘matatizo’ kila aendako? Wa pili, anatanua ughaibuni.” Nilimuuliza “keshatatua matatizo gani?” Alifyatuka kimzahamzaha, mikiki, na kiki utadhani fyatu mzima “unadhani wana KIKI wanadhamiria kuwasaidia au kutufyatua waufyate tena kwa kutumia matatizo yao?” Aliendelea “ametatua matatizo sugu ya migao ya kila kitu? Kuona anavyofyatuka kunishinda, niliamua kuwajuza mafyatu mjue huu uchangu kisiasa.

            Nilitafakari kidoktari, kiprofesa, na kifyatu, nilikumbuka KIKI makabrashani ya kuwafyatuliwa mafyatu waufyatuke. Kama wale, tunayo sera mpya ya usahihi au political authenticity siyo yao olitical artistry Kisambaa. Kama wafanyavyo wasanii uchwara wa kisiasa majukwaani. Tumegundua. Mafyatu wamekata tamaa kiasi cha tapeli yeyote anayejifanya anawapenda hata kama anawaponda akiwahadaa anawajali wakati hawajali mbali na yeye na wenzake kuwa tatizo kubwa kuwafyatua! KIKI inatumia matatizo ya mafyatu kuwafyatua waamini wanene wanaowajali ingawa hawawajali wala kuwapenda bali kuwaponda.

 Mafyatu ni wagumu na wavivu wa kufikiri, hawaulizi kilichosababaisha matatizo kama migao ya maji, umeme, kupanda gharama za maisha, elimu mbovu, ufisadi, wizi, ubangaizaji, uzembe vinavyowayopeleka kwa waganganjaa wasio na tofauti na waganga wa kienyeji na wachunaji kutafuta utajiri au kuombewa ilhali wahusika ni makapuku na nyongeza na mazonge yao wakifyatuliwa kimasomaso?

Wamefyatua kibashiti wakidhani mafyatu hawajui na kuona matumizi mabaya ya njuluku zao. Misururu ya ndinga anazotumia si israfu na ufisadi? Je zingetumika vizuri zingetusaidia kiasi gani? Pamoja na yote, bado wapo wanaodhani bashiti aweza kutatua matatizo yao wakati anayazidisha. Hata waliomfyatua hawasaidii. Anawaponza. Kitambo, tulikuwa na sera hii kabla ya kundunguliwa tukawahiwa kuitumia. Sera yetu ni kufyatuana ili Kujenga Inji siyo hiyo KIKI uchwara ya akina Bashiti tuliyoshiti.

Turejee maswali muhimu ya dogo. Je wenzetu hawaoni wanavyojifyatua na kujifyatulisha kutegemea sanaa badala ya ubunifu mujarabu? Tunataka majibu ya matatizo sugu siyo ufisadi sugu na usanii. Inakuwaje vichanga vinawazidi akili mafyatu wanene na waliwao kuyaona na kuyatafakari yaliyowashinda? Je huyu rahis Chiwawa anamsaidia doktari mazeri au kuzidi kumrostisha huko tuendako hasa wakati huu ukapa unapotufyatua? Je wanaomshauri mazeri hawaoni balaa wanalotengeneza kwa mauti yao kisiasa hapo twenty twenty-five? Tangu lini tatizo likatatua tatizo? Bashiti na waliomfufua ni matatizo donda ndugu kwa mafyatu waelewe na kukubali. Huwezi kujifanya unawajali mafyatu wakati unawaibia na wale waliokutuma na chata lenu mnasifika kwa ubangaizaji, ufisadi, ufisi, ulafi na roho mbaya. Mnaitana majukwaani kuwafyatua mafyatu mkijifanya hamuelewani au kuwajibishana wakati ni karata tatu. Hayo matatizo mnayojifanya ‘kutatua’ yalisababisha na nani na yalianza lini kama siyo nyinyi? Tutakuwaje na mgao wa umeme na maji wakati wa mafuriko?

Hamuoni mnajifyatua na kujihadaa kwa kutaka kuendesha kaya kwa kamera majukwaani? Tunataka majibu na si maigizo, KIKI, na usanii. Kweli inaingia akilini chawa kuwatisha mafisi waliokubuhu waliotamalaki chatani na sirkalini? Kwa KIKI na ngonjera, sanaa, na kutaka ujiko, mmeishatatua matatizo mangapi? Umaskini unaengezeka. Bei za vitu muhimu hazishikiki. Tozo halikamatiki. Kikokotoo kinatukokota mifukoni. Taarifa za CAG zinapuuziwa Majambazi wanene wanazidi kuneemeka. Kuna matatizo yanayowasumbua mafyatu na kuwafyatua kama haya? Leo sifyatui mengi nisije nikaonekana nataka kiki kwa kutumia KIKI kama wale makeke na mikiki yao yatakayowafyatua tikitiki kama tikiti  lililodondoshwa mwambani mbali na kuwa tikiti ya kutokomea kisiasa.

Acheni kuwatia vidole machoni mafyatu. Msicheze na maisha yao mkidhani hawana akili wala kumbukumbu. Angalia mtoto alivyowaumbua na KIKI yenu ya kutaka kiki kikiri tena kwa makeke, mikiki, na mikukuliko.

Nimesema sera yao, sorry, yetu ni KIKI au ni makeke na mikiki ya kanywaji?

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.